This study aims to examine relationship of military expenditure and economic growth in different phases of military regimes in the context of Pakistan. This study uses two-state Markov switching models with Constant Transition Probability (CTP) and Time Varying Transition Probabilities (TVTP) for the time period: 1973-2014. This investigation analyses two sorts of relations between military expenditures and economic development through fixed transition probability Markov exchanging models. To begin with, there is negative connection between GDP growth and military expenditures during a high variance state (i.e. having low economic growth). Second, there is positive relation between both variables, during low variance state (i.e. having higher economic growth) which is also supported by idea of Keynesian income multiplier. Another, empirical test of time varying transition probability model was used to capture the switch through indicator variable. Results of the study suggest that chances of switching are increased from low to high economic growth. The chances of switching increase from lower to higher economic growth period (or high variance period) if non-military expenditure increases. The study concludes that military expenditure and economic growth are state dependent. If conditions of economy are stable then increase of expenditure results in positive outcomes, otherwise, it affects negatively. Empirical findings suggest that military spending should be planned in accordance to the economic performance of the country.

This paper explores the various intervention approaches adopted by both India and Pakistan regarding Kashmir issue. It uses the theoretical approaches of Constructivism, Realism and Balance of Power Theory. The study objectives are divided into three categories, each entailing the Kashmir issue under the mentioned three theoretical approaches mentioned earlier. These variables are observed keeping in mind the empirical data available over the years, which define the situation of Kashmir from the time of Independence 1947 to the present scenario with regards to the Indo-Pak policies of influence under the cited theoretical prospects. As a result, the research concludes that not only Kashmir has been a humanitarian crisis where innocent people are slaughtered daily, but also a grave phenomenon for the international community who has failed to resolve it in 70 years.

The importance of Central Asia for China increased with the change in international power structure, growth of its economy, rapid industrialization and increase in population. China is regarded as the second largest energy consumer in the world while Central Asia has rich energy resources and raw materials complementary for its economic growth. It is interested in the energy resources of Central Asia for the security of its energy supply and a large market for its finished goods. Prior to Central Asian energy resources, China was importing oil from the Middle East. The route of oil supply from M.E to China was passing through Malacca strait, under the control of United States, a perceived rival of China in the world politics. In case of conflict this route may be blocked by United States. This situation worried the Chinese policy makers and prepared a comprehensive policy regarding the energy resources of Central Asian region. Energy is not the only concern of China in Central Asia; it is also worried about the security of its Xinjiang, sharing border with some Central Asian Republics (CARs). About 60% of the population of Xinjiang are Uyghur Muslims. The same ethnic community also exists on the other side of the border in the Central Asian Republics. China has an apprehension that in case of instability in the region, terrorists organizations may instigate the China’s Uyghur for independence. That is why, China is supporting United States in its fight against terrorism. Politically, it wants to reduce the influence of United States in the region by integration with the CARs (Central Asian Republics) through SCO particularly after US military penetration in the region in 2001. Applying a descriptive-analytical approach in the paper, the interests of China in CARs are surveyed.

The evolution of parliamentary system in an ideological state, with two major units; miles apart on the globe, having multiple social and regional identities, and claiming being a federation has been a unique experience. After getting independence from the British, Pakistan decided to opt for a parliamentary form of government. The process was based on single house i.e. legislative assembly which was entrusted with dual responsibilities of framing the constitution and making legislation to run the state system. Initially, its membership was based on indirect elections through the elected representative on provincial basis in the elections of 1946 conducted by the British government. This system of indirect elections for national legislature was kept in practice till 1970 general elections after twenty three years of independence of Pakistan. First and second decades experienced multiple changes of electoral process and that of the practices of the floor of the constituent assembly. Apparently it is claimed that there had been major changes in the parliament of Pakistan with reference to the system of elections, and membership but certain practices seem consistent till date. The present study is an effort to analyse the early phase of the parliament which provided the basis for the parliamentary system of Pakistan.

Organizational learning is one of the major characteristic of high performing work systems. Organizations are depicted as intelligent organizations when they focus on constant organizational learning. In the dynamic era of digitalization, securing a competitive advantage over competitors has moved beyond the effective utilization of organizational resources to effective management of organizational knowledge. This research aims to study the impact of organizational learning as a competitive advantage in the banking sector of Pakistan. OLCA (Organizational learning and Competitive Advantage) model is applied and empirical evidence is collected from the banking sector of Pakistan. Reliability analysis, correlation, Mean, standard deviation, linear regression and step wise regression analysis are used to collect the statistical viewpoint. The results of the study show positive and reliable scores. The result of the study confirms the OLCA model comprehensions in the selected sector of study. The study concludes that rather focusing on increasing the resource efficiency to gain competitive advantage, organization must focus on organizational learning as a resource to gain a lasting competitive advantage.

This paper traces the working of various local governments within the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan in terms of efficiency while providing health and educational facilities. Only those districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa having a population of at least one million, were taken into account. The performance of six district local governments in the field of education and health was thoroughly analyzed. The main focus was to assess whether local governments were efficient in the provision of the required services or otherwise. In the context of this study, local governments were perceived as firms, each aiming at the efficient provision and welfare of their respective communities / localities. Annual time-series data for the period 2004 to 2015 was taken. The study revealed the performance and efficiency of each of the selected district governments. The study also confirmed the validity of the Tiebout Hypothesis in terms of the local governments of KP in relevance to the provision of health and educational services. The district government primarily revolves around the needs and aspirations of the common people. This system can perform better if properly implemented and monitored in light of the gross root level input.

Every discipline has its own specific perspective. The very difference of varying perspectives draws a line primarily between scientific and nonscientific knowledge. Then, amongst sciences it differentiates the rational from the empirical sciences. Apart from the natural sciences social sciences also utilize both rational and empirical approaches to science. Even, with in both of these perspectives there are also some other perspectives of social sciences. The present paper attempts to explore these perspectives as per the varying approaches of the respective writers contributing to the domain of the politics of Pakistan. A number of scholars have explored the politics of Pakistan. A brief review of them shows that they have studied the phenomenon of politics in Pakistan as per their respective approaches. The varying perspectives of these researchers can broadly be categorised into four main approaches i.e. Elitist Approach, Marxian Approach, Ideological Approach, and Praetorian Approach. Every researcher of social science should necessarily understand the difference of these perspectives before initiating his investigation in to the politics of Pakistan. This paper aims to engulf the writings of all the potential writers in this field.

After the fall of soviet-empire, Afghanistan became the playground of international players, with covert and overt agenda towards the country. It has also become a breeding ground for militant organization. Russia, after her recent show of power in the Middle East has set her eye on its regional chessboard. For protecting its borders from incursion of extremism and the menace of drug trafficking which is gaining pace, Russia is entering Afghanistan again. This time she has found her favorite jihadis on their side, the Taliban. How the entrance of resurgent power in the existing world order will have an impact on the country already going through the tough tides of unfolding international arena, Pakistan. The paper delineates, how the geo-political scenario compelled Moscow to get into bargaining with its rivals and what are the impacts on Pakistan.

In accordance with the phased and meta process of mediatization, politicians have grown dependent on media at the cost of their own independence. As a result, politics has become synonym with something negative. Little research in Pakistan has been done to explore perspective of women politicians and journalists on negative perception about politics. To fill up the gap, we constituted focus groups in Multan, Lahore and Islamabad, comprising mostly women politicians (local and national), rights activists and journalists. It has been found that the respondents are mindful of the fact that there has been an increase in representation of women politicians on media since former President Pervez Musharraf allowed private electronic media to operate in 2002. Female participants in Multan feel encouraged by the increase in representation of women on media but those in Lahore and Islamabad believe that media has added to the challenges women politicians are facing. However, all focus groups opined that this situation is reflective of politicization of media, which shows that they have internalized the negative image that media construct of politicians and that they lack the understanding about the process of mediatization of politics.

The paper aims to explore how far English textbooks in Pakistan embody Pakistan and its culture. In this connection, the reading passages and pictures/images of the textbooks taught at secondary level in the government schools of Punjab were analyzed. It was a mixed method study and the specific method employed was content analysis. For this purpose all the reading passages of both the textbooks were firstly categorized and quantified into three categories; Source Culture/s, Other Culture/s and Neutral and then the cultural elements of Source Culture/s were discussed qualitatively using an adapted checklist. The results of the study reveal that the English textbook of class 9 has 12 passages out of which 75% have Source cultural elements, 8.83% have cultural elements of Other Culture/s and 16.66% are Neutral. As far as the English textbook of class 10 is concerned, there are 13 reading passages out of which 23.07% have Source cultural elements, 15.38% have cultural elements of Other Culture/s and 61.53% are Neutral. The findings of the study show that English, being an international language and as a result of globalization, has become compulsory for people belonging to different countries to learn it. However, in order to retain their identity, they try to appropriate English language to underpin their own culture/s through English language used in the textbooks of Pakistan.

The paper primarily focuses on salient dynamics voiced for division of Punjab and establishment of Saraiki Province and is aiming to aware coming parliamentarians regarding the sensitive issue so that they can make themselves capable to develop skill to resolve such generic issues. The non-justifiable allocation and distribution of resources by the federal government not only created hatred between East and West Pakistan in 1971 but later on among four provinces of Pakistan as well. For the last more than seventy years, the inspirations of ethnicity and regionalism evoked by Pukhtoons, Baluchis, Muhajirs and Saraikis made the process of national integration complex and so politicized different socio-economic and issues concerning different people of different regions which sometimes led to civil war situations in Pakistan. Though states constitution provided equal rights and opportunities to all nationalities in all spheres of life. However the feeling of provincialism or regionalism awakens in the minds when the people of a particular area are continuously neglected by the ruling class and so they are politically educated as backward and discriminated people by their local leaders. In this way, these leaders keep political hold over the specified area and its people. Regional disparities in terms of revenue and consumptions have awakened the perception of ignorance and discrimination and this is the reason that PML (N) faced severe hurdles and the repatriation of its own parliamentarians as the Saraiki community has been continuously neglected by the Punjabi dominated Political Party in the National legislature.